Pins, Posters, and Pictures, Oh My!: Horatio Seymour and the Presidential Campaign Paraphernalia of 1868

           Challenging Civil War hero Ulysses S. Grant, Horatio Seymour carried the Democratic banner as their presidential nominee in the election of 1868.  Born in Utica, New York in 1810, Seymour quickly matured into an uncompromising “Democrat by education, by tradition, and by instinct.”[1]  His bid for the presidency began during his days working in Tammany Hall under the influence of giants of the Democratic Party such as Martin Van Buren and Governor William Marcy.  He steadily climbed the New York political ladder, serving as a state legislator, Mayor of Utica, and Governor of New York during the 1850s and 1860s.  Seated as Chairman of the Democratic National Convention in July 1868, Seymour oversaw the adoption of the party platform.  Then, after a divided delegation, compromising measures, and eighteen roll calls, Seymour was eventually unanimously nominated as the Democratic candidate for president.[2]  While public campaigning or “stumping” was not appropriate for a political candidate in this era, Seymour’s team worked diligently to spread their name and message through a variety of avenues.  A closer look at the campaign memorabilia used during Seymour’s race to the White House unveils his primary missions: ensuring white supremacy and a renewed commitment to Jacksonian economic and social ideas.

Wear It!

From ferrotype pins, patriotic ribbons, coin-like lapel buttons, and charms, Horatio Seymour’s campaign distributed thousands of accessories that all proudly displayed his portrait.  The two brass pins (pictured right and left) were commonly worn by both men and women on jackets or scarves.  

The more decorative, colorful, and flashy pieces (pictured right and below) were appropriate accessories for rallies, political conventions, or election week…all collectively serving as a Gilded Age “Get Out the Vote” tactic!   

Some pieces of campaign memorabilia, like the silver medallion pictured here, sparked criticism due to its racist nature.  This charm was proudly engraved with Seymour’s campaign slogan: “This is a White Man’s Government.”  Additionally, sayings such as “Our Motto: This is a White Man’s Country: Let White Men Rule” were stitched into ribbons and other campaign paraphernalia. These pieces should not surprise the modern viewer as “the Seymour-Grant 1868 election was the most overt racist Presidential contest until the 1948 Dixiecrats.”[3]  Indeed, Seymour was committed to using his platform as a presidential nominee to promote (and publish) the banner of “white supremacy” and overtly oppose the Republican Reconstruction aims to bring civil rights to freedmen.   

Read It!

Posters like the ones shown here were popular forms of campaign propaganda. The colored banner pictures the two candidates underscored by a common Democratic slogan utilized in the 1868 race: “Peace, Union, and Constitutional Government.” Strategically, the dual images featured a farmer’s plow and a worker’s anvil and expressed a distinct political message for the 1868 Democrats. As one historian aptly noted, “Seymour subscribed to the political philosophy of Jefferson- a real “reliance on freeholding farmers and artisans.”[4] His commitment to the “working hands” of America was clearly communicated through printed materials like this poster, demonstrating his “sympathy with the wants and interests of our mechanics and laborers” as well as a unique determination to preserve “the farmers of the State.”[5]

A plethora of cartoons were published in newspapers during the 1868 election.  The image pictured below predicted Seymour’s victory as his glowing head hovered above the White House while gazing down upon a befuddled, struggling train of Republican leaders.  Seymour’s public supporters (like the pro-Democratic newspaper The Globe) used pictures like this to reach a wide audience and communicate a strong message to the 1868 voter bloc: the Republicans are corrupt, confused, and controlling.  

Sing It!

By the mid to late 19^th century, upbeat tunes praising both candidate and party were a popular addition to any presidential campaign.  Seymour’s race was no exception.  Published by J.L. Peters during the election year, “Matched!” was the most notable campaign song for Democrats in 1868.  Adapted to the melody “E Pluribus Unum,” its lyrics proudly proclaimed:

            We give them a statesman of honor and fame

            Just the Man for the work of the hour  

            By our platform we’ll win

            By a leader whose name Stands aloft an impregnable tower!

This jingle went on to laud their ticket and predict a sweeping victory:

            Republican bluster will all end in smoke!

            For our ballots will tell them a tale;

            We have slumbered awhile, it is time we awoke

            Give Democracy flag to the gale! 

Other songs pushed the edge with more controversial content, containing what some claimed to be “bigoted” and “brandish” lyrics.  These tunes functioned as 19^th century campaign ads, slamming the opponent and pompously touting party ideology.  As one author wrote, “music supporting Seymour worried about Grant becoming a military dictator and complained that he was a foolish tool of other Republican politicians.”[6]  These songs, such as “The White Man’s Banner,” contained “off-color” mantras that “played on racial prejudices.”[7]  Their lyrics included phrases charging voters to “vindicate our Father’s choice, A White Man’s Government” and satirically saluted “Captain Grant of the Black Marines, the Stupidest man that was ever seen.”[8]  While public “bickering” and “backstabbing” was dishonorable, personal slights set to a melody could pass as a little more “politically correct.”

The plethora of campaign memorabilia found today shows that although Seymour’s bid for the White House was unsuccessful, it was a well-fought race that utilized every tool and tactic at his disposal.  For more information on Horatio Seymour’s personal life, public image, or presidential bid, see the bibliography/suggested reading list below!    

Bibliography and Suggested Reading

On The Personal and Political Life of Horatio Seymour (with primary sources embedded)…

Croly, David Goodman. Seymour and Blair, Their Lives and Services. New York: Richardson and Company, 1868.

McCabe, Jr., James D. The Life and Public Services of Horatio Seymour: Together with a Complete and Authentic Life of Francis P. Blair, Jr. New York: United States Publishing Company, 1868.

Seitz, Don C. The “Also Rans”: Great Men Who Missed Making the Presidential Goal. New York: Thomas Crowell Company, 1928.

Seymour, Horatio. “Horatio Seymour’s Letter of Acceptance of the Nomination for the Presidency.” The Vicennes Weekly Western Sun. August 15, 1868.

"Horatio Seymour." Oneida County Historical Society. http://www.oneidacountyhistory.org/PublicFigures/LeadersFeatureArticle.asp (accessed on April 26, 2015).

On The 1868 Presidential Election….

“Democratic Party Platform of 1868.” The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=29579 (accessed on April 26, 2015).

Roseboom, Eugene H. From George Washington to John F. Kennedy: A History of Presidential Election. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1957.

On Seymour-Blair Campaign Memorabilia…

“Election of 1868.” American Political Buttons. http://americanpoliticalbuttons.com/election-of-1868.html (accessed on April 26, 2015).

Le Hache, Theodore and F. M. Bigney. “White Man’s Banner!”  New Orleans: A.E. Blackmar, 1868.

Miles, William. Songs, Odes, Glees, Ballad: A Bibliography of American Presidential Campaign Songsters. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1990.

Pepper, John and H. Werne. “Seymour, Blair, and Victory!” St. Louis, Missouri: Balmer and Weber, 1868.

Schoening, Benjamin S. and Eric T. Kasper, Don't Stop Thinking About the Music: The Politics of Songs and Musicians in Presidential Campaigns. Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books, 2012.

Slater, Tom. Political and Americana Memorabilia. Dallas: Heritage Galleries and Auctioneers,                     2005. 

[1] David Goodman Croly, Seymour and Blair, Their Lives and Services (New York: Richardson and Company, 1868), 10.

[2] Ibid. 

[3] Stewart Mitchell, Horatio Seymour of New York, (Boston: Harvard University Press, 1938). 

[4] Croly, Seymour and Blair, 154. 

[5] Ibid. 

[6] Benjamin S. Schoening and Eric T. Kasper, Don't Stop Thinking About the Music: The Politics of Songs and Musicians in Presidential Campaigns (Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books, 2012), 71.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

Revival, Regeneration, and Reform: Samuel Miller and 19th Century Evangelicalism

               

In Reverend Samuel Miller’s sermon, The Earth Filled with the Glory of the Lord, hopeful goals of global mission work and worldwide redemption are interwoven with themes American millennialism, political progress, and cultural reform.  Written and preached in 1835, Miller’s message to the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions undoubtedly resounded with the members present.  From the pulpit, Miller uniquely blended Christian evangelicalism with national activism, a perfect representation of mid-19^th century spiritualism.  Characteristic of many Protestant leaders at the time, he zealously invoked his listeners to not only pray for the “spreading of the holy, life-giving religion of Jesus Christ” and “world conversion,” but practically engage their warped and backslidden culture.  The full consummation of Christ’s glory, Miller states, will only be manifest when both revival in personal souls and reform in the public square transpire.  Specifically, temperance, the “ceasing of wars,” abolition of tyranny, “extended commerce,” and the purging of “sectarian feuds” are all evidenced by Miller as sure signs that our nation would be progressing towards the goal of “evangelizing the whole world.”[1]  Interestingly, all of these external “measurements” Miller cited are distinctly political in nature, coupling the civic and the sacred in an effort to achieve the end goal of “the whole earth being filled with (God’s) glory.”[2] 

(American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions)

                Paralleling Miller’s sermon, many other evangelicals of the 1800s used religious revival to initiate and catalyze reform movements as a conduit to arriving in the post-millennial age.  Charles Finney, Jedediah Burchard, and Lyman Beecher all sought to stir and excite individual conviction with a greater aim of collective purity and moral perfection.  In one of Beecher’s “Six Sermons on Intemperance,” he presents the negative spiritual and social ramifications accompanying this “mischievous” evil.[3]  Dramatically, he states that “of all the ways to hell…that of the intemperate is the most dreary and terrific.”[4]  Not only was intemperance a personal sin and “moral agony which convulse the soul…,” but further a public, political, and economic matter as “an inventory of national loss…that defeats the energies of commerce…cuts the sinews of industry…(and) produces a class of worthless consumers.”[5] 

"The Demons of Alcohol"

             

                Like many of the “heroes of the faith” in Scripture, Miller explains that although they are called to diligently plant seeds of repentance, redemption, and reform, the desired harvest of worldwide evangelism and widespread reform might never come to fruition in their age.  Throughout the “hall of faith” in Hebrews 11, the author affirms this principle by referencing Noah, Abraham, and Sarah who, being obedient to God, lived lives characterized by ardent faith, present obedience, and humble trust.  Hebrews 11:13 says that “All these people were still living by faith when they died. They did not receive the things promised; they only saw them and welcomed them from afar…”[6]  Likewise Miller, Finney, and Beecher were never “permitted to witness…the complete development of "the latter day glory."[7]   Living today amongst unregenerate people in a corrupt society, we too can join with these men, “rejoicing in the assurance that it will come in due time.”[8]

Works Cited

Miller, Samuel. The Earth Filled with the Glory of the Lord. Baltimore: American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 1835.

Beecher, Lyman. Six Sermons on Intemperance. Boston: T.R. Marvin, 1828.

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[1] Samuel Miller, The Earth Filled with the Glory of the Lord, Baltimore: American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 1835, par 6.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Lyman Beecher, “Six Sermons on Intemperance,” 1828, par 5.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid., par 8.

[6] Hebrews 11:13

[7] Miller, The Earth Filled with the Glory of the Lord, par 25.

[8] Ibid. 

The Fusion of Savage and Civilization: Davy Crockett, the Rural Representative

           

            In her article entitled, “Savage, Sinner, and Saved: Davy Crockett, Camp Meetings, and the Wild Frontier,” Catherine L. Albanese articulates numerous principles regarding the nature of folk tales, American myth, and themes of the 19^th century.  Using the life and legacy of Davy Crockett as her primary example, the author explains how the symbol of the “frontier” was cultivated and expressed.  The almanacs published throughout this time created a fictional “Crockett” that personified contemporary ideas of western life and Manifest Destiny.  As the “popular protagonist,” Crockett was depicted as a grotesque, rural, and violent man.[1]  From wrangling panthers and chasing hyenas to swallowing thunderbolts and capturing the sunrise in his pocket, the colorful tales presented a message and conveyed a strong sense of “natural mastery” and “control-gone-out-of-control.”[2]  Interestingly, Albanese shows how in all of these wild and outlandish encounters, the plot line in Crockett’s stories always pointed back to a distinctly political motif.  Although these “fabulous” images markedly contrast with the “historic” Davy Crockett, the printed pieces articulated a peculiar “fusion of savage and civilization” that, indeed, permeated and characterized the real-life Tennessean.[3] 

Davy Crockett Comic Almanac Covers

         

Jackson Assassination Attempt- 1835

   The best expression of this dual nature was Crockett’s heroic intervention during the assassination attempt of Andrew Jackson.  As the President was exiting the Capitol, a crazed, passionate, and delusional man, Richard Lawrence, attempted to shoot Jackson (although his gun, miraculously, misfired twice).[4]  In the midst of the commotion and chaos, Congressman Crockett immediately stepped in and wrestled Lawrence to the ground, disarming and detaining him in the process.[5]  In this heroic gesture to protect the President, Crockett simultaneously demonstrated his savage, “rough and tough” instincts and his commitment to the civic sphere, just as the almanacs so dramatically picture.  It seems as though the training Crockett received during his time as a fearless backwoodsman coupled with his devotion to upholding foundational American principles perfectly combined and enabled him to serve his country well in Washington D.C.  Vehemently fighting both for and against the Jackson party line at times, Crockett’s tireless efforts and aggressive debates stemmed from his rural upbringing and willingness to combat any opposition that came his way, whether lion or legislation!  Like Psalm 144:1 states, Crockett, in both the natural and political frontier, could earnestly proclaim “Praise be the Lord my Rock, who trains my hands for war and my fingers for battle!”

Word Count: 388

Works Cited

Albanese, Catherine. “Savage, Sinner, and Saved: Davy Crockett, Camp Meetings and the Wild Frontier.” American Quarterly 33:5 (1981): 482-501. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2712799 (accessed October 30, 2013).

 

Oliver, Willard M. Killing the President: Assassinations, Attempts, and Rumored Attempts on U.S. Commanders-in-Chief. Santa Barbara: Praeger, 2010.

Tucker, Edward L. “The Attempted Assassination of President Jackson: A Letter by Richard Henry Wilde.” The Georgia Historical Quarterly 58 (1974): 193-199. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40579637 (accessed October 31, 2013).

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[1] Catherine Albanese, “Savage, Sinner, and Saved: Davy Crockett, Camp Meetings and the Wild Frontier,” American Quarterly 33:5 (1981) http://www.jstor.org/stable/2712799, 485.

[2] Ibid., 486.

[3] Ibid., 488.

[4] Willard M. Oliver, Killing the President: Assassinations, Attempts, and Rumored Attempts on U.S. Commanders-in-Chief, Santa Barbara: Praeger, 2010.

[5] Edward L. Tucker, “The Attempted Assassination of President Jackson: A Letter by Richard Henry Wilde,” The Georgia Historical Quarterly 58 (1974) http://www.jstor.org/stable/40579637 (accessed October 31, 2013), 193.

The Eaton Affair

Emily Donelson

Floride Calhoun

             Kristen Wood, the author of “One Woman So Dangerous to Public Morals,” recounts the political uproar surrounding Margaret Eaton’s personal life and documents her impact upon Washington society.  Eaton, the wife of Jackson's Secretary of War, faced rejection due to her reputation as a women of questionable character. While some accepted her into the political inner-circle (for a variety of reasons), others vehemently disapproved of her lifestyle and were determined to “shun the Eaton Woman.”[1]  The wives of the prominent men in Washington saw Eaton’s “malignant” actions as an extremely serious matter with the potential of degrading their own reputations, “corrupting the country’s leaders,” and negatively influencing national political perceptions.[2]  Despite being a “cabinet lady” herself, Eaton was seen by the Washington ladies as an immoral woman to be avoided at all costs.  Floride Calhoun and Emily Donelson, women with close ties to the White House at the time, led the charge in upholding the idea that the morality of women could truly influence the reputation and divert the course of their beloved nation.  Pursuing this end, they were determined that Eaton should be excluded from the Washington social and political scene and live as a “stranger in the capital.”[3]    

Margaret Eaton

               But why was such a dramatic reaction triggered by so private a matter? Prizing virtue, prudence, and etiquette, the wives collectively argued that they had an important and influential role to play and that their actions, good or bad, had the potential to “influence the destiny of nations.”[4]  As the “personification of purity,” the ladies resolved that the “slightest contact with the sinful woman” would have manifold negative repercussions.[5]  Although it may be argued that their exclusion of Eaton was improper, disrespectful, and an overreaction, the determination and resolve of the Washington ladies proves that this was a pivotal issue with deep roots.    

The Washington Wives

John Adams

                Looking back to the writings of our founders, it becomes clear that the Washington ladies were neither irrational nor overly zealous, but were articulating an age-old principle.  Indeed, there is a long-standing tradition that emphasizes the vital role female morality plays within a nation.  John Adams, in his Autobiography, explained this idea.  He stated that “the manners of women are the surest criterion by which to determine whether a Republican government is practicable in a nation or not.”[6]  Adams went on to warn America of the danger that is imminent if this truth is not observed.  Recalling the downfall of ancient societies, he marked that “the Jews, the Greeks, (and) the Romans…all lost their public spirit, their Republican principles,…and their Republican forms of government when they lost the modesty and domestic virtues of their women.”[7]  While personal animosities and “insider politicking” may have been woven throughout the Eaton Affair as Wood describes, a close reading of Adams’ 18^th century writings legitimizes the Washington wives’ unwavering stance. 

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[1] Kristen Wood, “One Woman so Dangerous to Public Morals": Gender and Power in the Eaton Affair,” Journal of the Early Republic 17: 2 (1997), http://www.jstor.org/stable/3124447 (accessed September 25, 2013).

249.

[2] Ibid., 250.

[3] Ibid., 253.

[4] Ibid., 250.

[5] Ibid., 253.

[6] John Eidsmoe, Christianity and the Constitution: The Faith of Our Founding Fathers. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Publishing Group, 1995: 272.

[7] Ibid. 

A Purposeful Past: Amos Kendall and 19th Century American Political Culture

                Donald Cole, the author of “A Yankee in Kentucky: The Early Years of Amos Kendall,” recounts the background and numerous influences that shaped this dynamic and diligent supporter of Andrew Jackson.  Cole traces the personal choices, public ventures, and private dealings that directed and developed Amos Kendall.  Just as David of the Old Testament was prepared as a boy to fight Goliath by warding off his sheep’s predators, Kendall’s youth providentially prepared him to combat opposing political forces.  With a family devoted to Congregational theology and the pursuit of educational excellence, Kendall quickly found himself developing strong religious convictions, an intense love of learning, and practical writing and interpersonal skills during his days at Dartmouth.[1]  These early experiences equipped him to “hold his own” in his future world of “rough-and tumble” politics.[2] 

(A sketch of Dartmouth College in the early 19th century)

                George Washington’s time surveying properties and fighting in the French and Indian War as a young man provided experience that enabled him, as Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army, to maneuver his troops in Revolutionary battles.  Similarly, Kendall’s time in Kentucky prepared him to navigate forthcoming political battles.  His land speculation dealings in Lexington, gubernatorial campaign work in Frankfurt, and writings on bank protocol during the Panic of 1819 bolstered a strong preference toward “hard money,” the physical removal of Indians, and partisan networks.[3]  These ideas would later perfectly coincide with Jackson’s policies.

                Like the Lincoln family’s trek westward dramatically altered Abraham’s life and legacy, so Kendall’s journey south to Kentucky and the personal choices made there dramatically shaped his stance on many issues that would later parallel Jackson’s views.  For example, moving to Georgetown led Kendall to the newspaper industry as the editor of the Minerva and cultivated insight regarding the possibility of partnering with the post office to spread propaganda, a profitable tactic for future campaign work.[4]  Likewise, the proximity to, and friendship with, the Clay family introduced him to southern political principles and protocol.  Cole rightfully notes how these personal choices of employment and affiliations helped to prepare Kendall for political life and a partnership with Jackson. 

                           

             

             A myriad of biblical principles can be extracted and applied from Kendall’s life story.  The power of family and educational influences cannot go unnoticed when recalling his early years.  Proverbs 27:17, 1 Corinthians 15:33, and Proverbs 13:20 speak of wise counsel and its inevitable effect on one’s life.  Kendall’s childhood and young adult years as a bachelor solidified his beliefs.  Echoing this idea, Ecclesiastes 12:1 beseeches one to "Remember also your Creator in the days of your youth..."  Finally, the theme of providence is woven throughout the tapestry of Kendall’s life.  From his schooling in New Hampshire to his stock-holdings in Kentucky to his work in the print industry, the superintending hand of God was guiding Kendall for the purposeful, yet discreet role he would one day play in the shadow of Jackson.  For Kendall, like all of us, the Lord’s “sovereignty ruled over all.”[6]  Indeed, Amos Kendall’s story is a reminder that purpose abounds within even the smallest detail of one’s life!

Works Cited

Barton, David. The Bulletproof George Washington. Aledo: Wallbuilders, 1990.

Cole, Donald B. "A Yankee in Kentucky: The Early Years of Amos Kendall, 1789-1828."

Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 109 (1997): 24-36. 

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[1] Donald B. Cole, “A Yankee in Kentucky: The Early Years of Amos Kendall, 1789-1828,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 109 (1997): 25.

[2] Ibid., 27.

[3] Ibid., 30, 31, 34.

[4] Ibid, 31.

[5] Ibid., 34.

[6] Psalm 103: 19